The Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT): From the Nobel Prize to a Multi-Faceted Crisis

Since its founding in 1920 by a group of intellectuals and national activists, with the aim of defending the rights of Tunisian workers and demanding equal pay with foreigners, the Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT) has played  key role in the national libiration struggle. Its leading role continued after independence, especially through major historical events such as the 1978 general strike, which led to prosecutions and repression against unionists, and the 2008 Gafsa mining basin uprising, which many considre the real spark that inspired the 2011 revolution.

After the revolution, the UGTT’s relationship with the authoritiez became marked by fluctuation and dual discourse. While most governments publicly affirmed the UGTT as a national asset and a partner in shaping the country’s economic policies, the continuous strikes called by the union, alongside statements from government officials and MP’s accusing the union of obstructing development, reflected ongoing tensions that were sometimes visible, sometimes hidden.

The climax of this tension was on December 4, 2012, when a march in memory of the assassination of union leader Farhat Hached, set to begin from the UGTT headquarters, was violently attacked by the so-called “Revolution Protection Committees,” known for their ties to the ruling Islamist Ennahda party. The situation worsened as the  troika goverment, led by Ennahdha  did not bring to justice those the union accused of involvement.

In 2013, the political scene witnessed a major turning point. A wave of political assassinations and ideological polarization led to a severe political crisis, which materialized in the “Departure (Erraheel) Sit in” in front of the parliament.

This crisis was only resolved after the formation of a coalition of four national organizations: UGTT, UTICA (employers’ union), the Tunisian Order of Lawyers, and the Tunisian League for Human Rights, which coordinated a national dialogue among political actors.

This dialogue culminated in an agreement to form a new government and brought relative calm to the crisis. Two years later, the Quartet was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for its efforts in promoting dialogue and peace.

However, the debate surrounding the UGTT didn’t end. The organization insisted that after political dialogue, the focus should shift to social dialogue. This demand shaped the union’s handling of several issues, notably the prolonged crisis in secondary education, which lasted years, harmed educative performance, and triggered widespread anger among parents, towards Lassaad Yaacoubi, who was outspoken opponent of the Ministry of Education, particularly regarding curriculum reform and the integration of substitute teachers.

About three years after the mentioned crisis, the Public Prosecution Office in Ben Arous authorized  on october the 9th 2025 the detention of Yaacoubi on charges of speculation and hoarding of agricultural goods stored randomly in a warehouse belonging to him. This accusation is considered by some to be unfounded, since a quantity of 13 tons does not amount to hoarding for someone engaged in agricultural activity.

A Complex Crisis:

Today, the UGTT is experiencing a multi-dimensional crisis that is becoming increasingly visible. On July 9, 2021, an exceptional non-elective congress was held to amend Article 20 of the union’s internal regulations. This amendment allowed the current executive bureau, led by Noureddine Taboubi, to run for a third terrm, effectively reversing the two-term limit set by the 2010 Tabarka Congress.

This move stirred considerable controversey among union members, with many viewing it as undemocratic and indicative of growing centralization and personalization of power, undermining leadership rotation. A group of unionists filed a lawsuit to nullify the congress, and on November 25, 2021, the Tunis Court of First Instance ruled in their favor. However, the union later won the case when the Court of Appeals ruled on March 28, 2025, that the complaint was inadmissible.

This amendment deepened internal rifts. New divisions emerged even within the executive bureau itself. A group of five senior members (Anouar Ben Kadour, Monem Amira, Othman Jellouli, Salah Eddine Salmi, and Taher Mezzi) published two documents in December 2024, declaring that collective work in the bureau had become impossible. They called for an early extraordinary congress before the current mandate ends in 2027.

The “Mohamed Ali El Hammi Square”, long the symbolic rallying point for UGTT activists before marching toward Avenue Bourguiba or ministries,has now become a battleground for internal sit-ins and disputes, where allegiances and intentions are increasingly hard to decipher.

One of the most recent events tooke place on August 7, 2025, when protestors allegedly linked to President Kais Saied’s regime attacked the union’s headquarters, according to Samir Cheffi, UGTT Deputy Secretary-General.

This incident followed a public transport strike and came after the Ministry of Social Affairs canceled all negotiation sessions with the union. Cheffi described the event as a dangerous precedent that undermines constitutionally guaranteed labor rights fought for by generations of Tunisians.

In addition to internal fractures and public dissatisfaction, especially from Kais Saied’s supporters, the union faced another blow from the government, which issued a decree on August 14, 2025, canceling paid union leave for public employees. This leave allowed union representatives to perform their roles without having to fulfill their official duties, while still receiving salaries. In response, Sami Tahri, UGTT spokesperson, said that union leave had already effectively ended in 2022.

Further, the government is considering abolishing automatic salary deductions for union dues, a move UGTT sees as an attempt to financially strangle the organization, while supporters of the president argue it’s a step toward financial transparency, in order to render affiliation by ongoing, written consent from members.

The Political-Unionist  Overlap

After the revolution, Islamists often responded to calls by secularists to depoliticize mosques by demanding a similar depoliticization of the UGTT, as many political  leaders, particularly leftist figures, were openly aligned with it.

While not unique to Tunisia , the UK’s Labour Party was historically founded by trade unions in 1900, in Tunisia such alignment is widely seen as leftist parties trying to achieve influence they failed to gain through elections.

Mehdi El-Aouni, a founder member in the “Al karar Al hour” (Free Decision) initiative, politically supportive of the July 25 movement  and generally aligned with Kais Saied’s policies, though still critical of some of his decisions, shared his views.

Regarding the recent assault on the UGTT head quarter, El-Aouni stated that videos clearly show police securing the building and preventing protesters from entering or damaging it. He argued that accusations against the authorities of incitement were illogical, echoing President Saied’s own statements that denounced those who compared the event to the severe 2012 attacks against unionists.

According to El-Aouni, the UGTT’s problems stem primarily from within. Decades of corruption and misconduct ,from Ben Ali’s era to post-revolution governments, have created a bloated and overly centralized structure, making genuine grassroots union work increasingly difficult. The organization accourding to El-Aouni also suffers from a lack of youth representation in leadership and decision-making. Similarly, women remain largely excluded, with many unionists dismissing their contributions as lacking in “true” unionist experience.

He also accused the union of interfering in ministerial appointments after the revolution, using its influence to veto certain candidates. After July 25, he claims that other political forces, most notably Ennahda, sought to infiltrate the union’s decision-making by supporting the Group of Five (amoung the executive bureau), aiming to push the union into open conflict with Saied and politicize its union struggle. UGTT, however, continues to publicly refuse the be part of any political dispute between the government and the opposition.

Is Reform Possible?

There is broad consensus, both within and outside the UGTT, that reform is necessary for the union to effectively defend its members interests. But the central question remains: Who will lead this reform?

El-Aouni believes that state intervention in union reform would render union work meaningless. He also rejects extreme suggestions by some pro-Saied voices to dissolve or freeze the UGTT, calling them unrealistic.

At the same time, the “Free Decision” initiative sees Taboubi and the current leadership as incapable of initiating real reform, as their bureaucratic rigidity, even regarding setting the date for the next general congress, shows their unwillingness to reflect or change course.

he proposes uniting the so-called “Union Opposition”, made up primarily of those who rejected the 2022 Sousse Congress that extended the leadership’s term, in order to pressure for internal dialogue and a comprehensive review of the organization’s functioning.

When asked about the difference in tone between UGTT’s past clashes with the Troika governments and its relatively softer stance under President Saied, El-Aouni explained that the Troika, particularly the Mehdi Jomaa and Youssef Chahed governments, pursued clear neoliberal policies, including negotiations with international lenders, privatization plans, and cuts to subsidies, prompting UGTT to mobilize strongly.

In contrast,he adds, Kais Saied’s administrations have focused on national sovereignty, local resources, and economic independence, which aligns more with UGTT’s traditional rhetoric.

Another reason for the union’s relative silence, El-Aouni suggests, may be the leadership’s desire to preserve its own privileges and avoid provoking the presidency into launching anti-corruption investigations, something Saied has repeatedly promised in his speeches.

Mouldi  Gassoumi, a former unionist and researcher in UGTT’s studies and documentation department, believes the union is not just an institution, but a product of Tunisia’s social genius. Opposed to Taboubi’s political outreach toward the presidency, Gassoumi argues that Saied’s government is not only attacking the union’s funding and negotiation role, but is actively replacing it, taking over union functions directly.

This is evident, he says, in the recent labor law reforms banning subcontracting and ending fixed-term contracts (CDD), as well as in the dissolution of the National Social Dialogue Council, a tripartite body including the UGTT, the government, and employers, established in 2017 as a milestone in institutionalizing social dialogue, which he perceives  as a contradiction to Saied’s claim of building a social state.

To address the multi-faceted crisis engolfing the UGTT, Gassoumi proposes holding an early extraordinary congress to elect a new leadership that would serve in two years only, during which it would restructure the organization. He stresses the urgent need to modernize the union’s methods, adapt to new professions, and attract qualified members, moving beyond its outdated industrial-era framework.

It appears that the current leadership of the organization has begun to respond to the calls to bring forward the date of the general congress, as it decided in its meeting on September 23 that the congress will be held between March 25 and 27 of next year instead of in 2027, according to Al-Shaab newspaper, which is affiliated with the organization. This opens the door to hope for avoiding the divisions the organization is experiencing and for turning attention to the real challenges facing the union’s members.

The Tunisian Labor Union (UGTT) continues, despite restrictions, to insist on playing an active role in supporting and advocating for social demands. This was evident in its announcement of a general strike in the city of Gabès on October 21, in support of popular movements calling for the dismantling of the chemical complex responsible for an environmental disaster.

The union also called for a strike in banks and financial institutions on November 3 and 4, in protest against the working conditions in this sector. Furthermore, the UGTT continues to issue statements denouncing the prosecution of prominent figures, such as the five-year prison sentence recently handed down to former judge Ahmed Souab, and condemning the suspension of several associations and civil society organizations, including the Forum for Economic and Social Rights (FTDS)  the Association of Democratic Women (ATFD), and the Voices of Women (Aswat Nissa).

The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Opinion Desk.